徳島在住 稲井一雄（いない・かずお）
毎月第三水曜日、ロサンゼルス時間・午後六時から八時まで、カルチュラルニュースは、オンラインで鳴門教育大名誉教授の世羅博昭先生の「源氏物語を原文で読む」セミナーを行っています。筆者の稲井さんは、このオンライン・セミナーの参加者のひとりです。
（要約）
『源氏物語』における光源氏と朧月夜の恋は、源氏の皇族的権威と政治力に支えられていた。須磨退去も単なる情事の仕返しではなく、政争と失脚の結果と考えられる。一夫多妻・通い婚・厳格な身分制の下では、恋愛は家格や後援者の力に左右された。車争いや宮廷宴会での醜態の例も、権力が愛を支える一方、弱者を傷つけ、関係を破壊することを示唆する。紫式部は宮廷男性を観察して藤原実資の気骨を評価し、権力への批判的な眼差しを作品に込めた。
（本論）
光源氏が最初に朧月夜と出会った時、彼は怯える彼女にこう言いました。
「まろは昔から何事も許されているのだから、人を召し寄せても、何にもなりませんよ。しいー、お静かに。」（花宴の巻）
この言葉に朧月夜は、ああ、この方は都で評判高い光源氏だと咄嗟に気づきます。彼の場合、恋の要求が多少強引であっても、この世で叱責する者は誰もいません。彼は桐壺帝の第二皇子として誕生し、臣籍に下された後に源（みなもと）姓を名乗った人です。帝位を退いた桐壺院は、崩御の少し前に、源氏の腹違いの兄、朱雀帝に次のような遺言を残しました。「朕がこの世におりました時と変わらず、大事小事に関わらず何事も源氏をお後見役と考えて相談なさいませ。彼は、実際の年齢の割には、政務を執り行うにしても、決して支障あるまいと思っております。必ず天下を治めるはずの相を持つ人ですよ。それだからこそ、厄介さのために親王になさず、臣下として朝廷の後見をさせようと思い申したのです。朕の考えにお背きあそばさないでください。」（賢木の巻）と。
桐壺院は、源氏を臣籍に下したにも関わらず、優れた才能の持ち主として帝の相談役とし、昇進にも配慮するようにと、朱雀帝に念を押します。したがって、源氏は実質的に帝とほとんど変わりない程度の権力を持っています。
しかしながら、そんな源氏にも一つだけ弱点がありました。それは弘徽殿女御の存在です。彼女は桐壺帝の第一妃、右大臣の娘、朱雀帝の国母で、蘭陵王を憎んだ北斉の皇太子の母親がそうであったように、源氏を忌み嫌っていました。左大臣から右大臣へと政権交代すると、彼女は源氏を都から追放することを画策しました。
物語は、源氏の須磨・明石への流謫（るたく）が自らの意思で逃避したのかのような曖昧な書き方をしていますが、もし歴史上の事件であるとしたら、次のようなものと考えられます。
『「謀反」の疑いによる左遷で、しかも配所に赴かず、摂津辺りに留まる事が許された』(むしゃこうじ・みのる「法制史からみた光源氏の須磨行」『源氏物語Ⅰ』有精堂)のです。また、朧月夜の尚侍との密事は、「既に政権を握っている右大臣側で、光源氏が東宮を即位させるために朱雀帝を傾けようとしている、という疑いを叫び立てれば足り」（同上）たのです。当時はさしたる証拠もなくでっち上げて、処罰できたという意味です。
現代使用している「不義密通」という言葉に注意しましょう。『古代において、「密通」という意識は存在しなかった。密通が事件とされて、被害の夫や領域裁判権を持つ者が、密通者を処罰する慣行が出現したのは中世であった。』（『日本大歴史事典）小学館）のです。
天覧の絵合わせで、源氏が支援した斎宮女御(さいぐうのにょうご）側が勝利した後のことです。栄華を誇る内大臣の源氏は、出家したいと思うようになりました。次はその思いの部分です。
「昔の先例を見聞するにつけても、年齢不足で若くして高位高官に登り、抜群の出世をした人は、その地位を長く保つことができないのであったよ。今の帝(冷泉帝)の御代においては、自分の地位や帝の寵愛が分不相応になってしまった。かつて失脚して須磨・明石で落ちぶれた苦しみの代償で、今日まで生きながらえることができたが、これから先さらに栄華を享受していくと、やはり短命に終わるのではないかと不安だ。静かに御堂に籠って、後世の安寧を祈って勤行（ごんぎょう）し、同時に寿命を伸ばそう」(絵合巻)と。
この源氏の思いは、月が満ちると必ず欠けるといった盈虚思想(えいきょしそう)の反映です。須磨・明石への逃避は、朧月夜と密会した結果ではなく、若くして近衛大将に昇進し、世間からチヤホヤ甘やかされた結果だという訳です。源氏は、朧月夜に対して、自分との浮き名が流されたことは気の毒に思いつつ、罪意識は全くなく、いつまでも彼女と関係していこうとしています。現代社会の人々には理解しかねることです。当時の恋愛について考えてみます。
まず、一夫多妻の社会という点です。
最高権力者の朱雀帝は、女御、更衣といった大勢の妃を抱えておりました。朧月夜はその中の一人にすぎません。源氏の場合も、正妻の葵上は亡くなっていませんが、紫の上を始めとして、京都中に多くの愛人がおりました。付き合った女性は数知れず多いです。公卿や殿上人やその他の貴族たちも同様です。正妻以外に多くの愛人がおりました。源氏を娘婿にしていた左大臣は、「御子どもあまた、腹ばらに物したまふ（お子さんは大勢で、父を同じくする腹違いのきょうだいがおられます）」とあります。頭中将と葵上とが母、大宮（桐壺帝の兄妹）の子供で、その他のきょうだいは母親が違っているのです。だから左大臣家の同じ兄弟であっても、頭中将だけが出世していくのです。男性にたくさんの愛人がいるのが当たり前の社会です。宮中に奉仕する女房の局にさえ、夜な夜な密かに通う殿上人も少なからずいたのです。
次に当時の結婚は、通い婚が通常です。男たちは通うに当たって、その家の女の噂や評判を参考にするか、垣間見（かいまみ）をして、家の様子を窺うかします。また、男がその家の女と新しく関係を持つためには、その家の両親や側近の女房たちの支持がなければなりません。その家に良しと見込まれた男性は、側近の女房たちの手引きで通うのです。しかし、もしも男性の方で女の家に通わなくなってしまったら、その結婚は解消です。通い婚は実に不安定な結婚形態です。同じ女の許で複数の男同士の衝突や錯綜といったトラブルも起こります。
源氏と密会した夕顔は、以前に頭中将が三年間通い続けて、玉鬘という娘まで誕生したのですが、頭中将の正妻（右大臣の四の君）の脅しを受けたために、五条に逃れ隠れ住んでいたところに源氏と出会ったのです。
また、厳格な階級社会という点です。
人々は概ね身分相応の結婚をします。弘徽殿の女御は、妹である朧月夜を、息子の東宮（のちの朱雀帝）の嫁にしようとしたのも、右大臣家と身分が相応するか、あるいはそれ以上かの結婚を考えていたからです。東宮と朧月夜の取り合わせは、叔母と甥の関係になりますから、現代風に言えば、近親結婚です。階級社会では、高貴な身分になる程、結婚範囲が狭くなります。
源氏との関係で、朧月夜と東宮との婚約は解消されますが、それでもなお弘徽殿の女御は妹の入内にこだわり、朧月夜を御櫛笥殿（みくしげどの）として宮中に出仕させます。その後、尚侍（ないしのかみ）となります。尚侍は、天皇を事務的に補佐する役目柄、常に天皇のお側近くにいますから、天皇との心理的、肉体的関係も近くなります。
源氏は若き頃、理想的な恋を追う一方、比較的下位に当たる中の品（なかのしな）の女性に物色を始めます。そこで出会ったのが夕顔ですが、その夕顔の社会的な地位については、やはり現代人の感覚の及ばぬところです。中の品と言っても、当時の一般庶民の及ばぬところであって、遥かな高位の著しく富裕な貴族です。夕顔の父親は亡くなっていますが、三位の中将だった人です。父が健在であれば、夕顔は帝の妃か、明石の上程度の身分になれたかも知れない女性です。
源氏が夕顔の家を発見したその折り、額付きの美しい女房たちが大勢いたではありませんか。夕顔自身のみならず、大勢の女房たちや下男・下女たちまで養い、家を管理、維持していくために必要な経費を考えますと、源氏にとっては大した額でありませんが、現代の年間収入に換算すれば、2000万円〜3000万円程かかる計算になります。
以上のような恋愛をめぐる社会状況を念頭に置き、もう一度、朧月夜を見てみます。
彼女は右大臣の六番目の姫君で、弘徽殿女御の妹です。弘徽殿女御の意向により、内裏に出仕します。御匣殿(みくしげどの)から女官長、尚侍（ないしのかみ）へと昇進し、誰よりも美しく魅惑的なので、朱雀帝も間近に仕える彼女を寵愛します。彼女は高貴なお方らしく振る舞って、人柄も大変立派なので、大勢参集なさっている後宮の方々(妃たち)の中でも際立って華やいでいます。源氏は紫の上と新枕を交わした頃なので、源氏の足が朧月夜から遠のいたりしましたが、その後また変わらずに源氏との関係が続きます。朱雀帝と源氏との兄弟仲は決して悪くありません。朱雀帝は二人の密会に気づいていますが、源氏を責めません。源氏を後見役として頼りにせよとの父桐壺院の遺言がありましたし、次のように思って、二人の仲を大目に見たのです。
「いや、なに、今に始まったことならともかく、そのように心を交わし合っても不似合いでなさそうな二人の仲だよ。」(賢木巻)と。
前回の論考で、朧月夜は、主人公光源氏を高みに引き立てる重要な役割を果たしていると述べました。さらに付け加えるならば、朧月夜は、危険性を伴いながらも、源氏に最も相応しい情熱的な恋を演じているということです。理想的で情熱的な恋愛はとかく危険性を伴いがちです。朧月夜は、スリルとロマンとサスペンスに富んだ恋物語に欠かせない女性の一人です。源氏と朧月夜の恋を支えているものは権力です。
源氏と朧月夜との恋に限らず、概して貴族の恋は権力に支えられています。権力は愛を支え、権力は愛を破壊します。葵巻の車争いの場面もそれが垣間見えました。六条御息所の深い嘆きは、結局権力の欠如です。源氏との関係が冷えてしまっている上に、身を窶して世を忍んだ状態で祭り見物に網代車(あじろぐるま、貴族常用の車)で出かけて、権勢を誇る葵上一行の立派な車と出くわします。左大臣の威光を笠に着て酔いに任せた若者たちは、彼女の車の踏み台などを乱暴に壊して、他人の従者たちの車が止まっている方へ車を押しやってしまいます。こうした場合、権力の劣る被害者は泣き寝入りです。
藤原道長（966―1027）の孫、敦成親王（あつひらしんのう）誕生後の五十日（いか）の祝いの場面が、紫式部日記絵巻にも描かれています。ここに２枚の写真を用意しました。同一の絵画を二枚に分けて撮影したものです。公卿や殿上人たちが自分たちの席を離れて、彰子付きの女房たちのいる廂の間に参集しています。男たちはいつも女に惹かれて近づくのです。姿が見えませんが、宴の主催者の道長や彰子中宮も近くにいます。この絵画からも権力が垣間見えます。
The Illustrated Diary of Murasaki Shikibu (Inai family collection)
絵画の左上ですが、右大臣の藤原顕光(944−1021)が、女房たちが集まって座っているところへ几帳を取っ払って上がり込み、酒に酔って散々の乱れようです。それを見ている他の女房たちが、「いい年をして」と突つき合うとも知らず、女房の扇を取り上げ、彼女に向かって聞くに堪えない言葉を呟きます。扇は女房たちが男たちに顔を見られないように隠すためのものです。扇を取られた女房は、顔を顰（しか）めて嫌がっています。その時顕光は六十五歳でした。
顕光は、道長に次いで二番目に政治的な影響力を持っていますが、無能で、宴会での失態が多かったと言われています。しかし、権力を巡ってライバル関係にあった道長にとっては好都合でした。道長の娘彰子と、顕光の娘元子（げんし）との間にも、勢力関係があったからです。道長は顕光の失態ぶりを見て、せせら笑ったことでしょう。
The Illustrated Diary of Murasaki Shikibu (Inai family collection)
右下の男の行動は少し変わっていて、女房の裾や袖口に覗く衣の枚数を一枚、二枚と数えています。女房はきまり悪そうに下を俯いています。この男は、右大将藤原実資（957-1046）です。一条天皇は度々奢侈を控えるようにと勅命を出したので、彰子付きの女房にも服装違反がないかどうかを調べているのです。実資は権力におもねることなく、規範を重んじ、筋を通す人でした。
紫式部は宮廷での男性観察を怠らなかったようで、気骨のある実資のような男性には、彼女の方から話しかけていきました。彼女は実資を高く評価しました。
実資は『小右記』の著者で、宮廷の出来事を６０年以上詳細に書き続け、貴族社会に対する批判的な立場を貫きました。
紫式部は、当時の権力者、道長に愛されていたようですが、彼女自身や家族の不遇を思うと、権力というものに対して密かに嫌っていたのではないかと思われます。
The 16th episode of the Series,〜The Consciousness of Love and Power.“Research diary of sources of Heian hot springs.”
By Kazuo Inai
（Abstract）
The love affair between Hikaru Genji and Oborozukiyo in The Tale of Genji was sustained by Genji’s imperial prestige and political power. His evacuation to Suma and Akashi should be understood not simply as revenge for the inexcusable affair, but as the consequence of political conflict and loss of influence. In a society of polygyny, visiting marriages, and rigid status distinctions, love was shaped by family rank and the strength of one’s patrons. Episodes such as the carriage dispute and the disgraceful behavior in court banquets likewise show that power can support love while also injuring the vulnerable and destroying relationships. Observing the men of the court, Murasaki Shikibu admired the integrity of Sanesuke Fujiwara and embedded in her work a critical gaze toward power.
（Main Discussion）
When Hikaru Genji first met Oborozukiyo, he said to the frightened young woman:
“I have always been permitted to do as I please, so nothing will come of it even if you summon someone here. Hush—quietly now.” (The Festival of the Flowers chapter)
At these words, Oborozukiyo instantly realizes that he is Hikaru Genji, the celebrated figure of the capital. In his case, even if his demands in love were somewhat forceful, there was no one in the world who could reprimand him. He was born the second son of Emperor Kiritsubo and, after being demoted side of the Imperial Family, took the surname Minamoto. Shortly before the demise, the retired Emperor Kiritsubo left the following injunction to Genji’s half-brother, Emperor Suzaku: “Just as when I was still in this world, whether the matter be great or small, consult Genji and regard him as your guardian. Despite his actual age, I believe he will encounter no difficulty in conducting affairs of state. He bears the physiognomy of one destined to govern the realm. For that very reason, and to avoid complications, I did not make him an imperial prince, but intended him, as a subject, to support the court. Do not go against my wishes.” (The Sakaki chapter)
Although Emperor Kiritsubo had remoted Genji side of Imperial family, he firmly instructed Emperor Suzaku to treat him as a gifted adviser and to take care over his advancement. Genji therefore possessed power that was, in practical terms, almost equal to that of the Emperor.
Yet even Genji had one weak point: Kokiden no Nyogō. She was Emperor Kiritsubo’s chief consort, the daughter of the Minister of the Right, and the mother of Emperor Suzaku. Like the mother of the crown prince of Northern Qi who hated the Prince of Lanling, she detested Genji. When political power shifted from the Minister of the Left to the Minister of the Right, she could plot to drive Genji from the capital.
The narrative describes Genji’s exile to Suma and Akashi ambiguously, as though he had fled of his own accord. If it were treated as a historical event, however, it might be understood as follows.
He was “demoted on suspicion of ‘treason’ and, moreover, was permitted to remain somewhere around Settsu rather than proceeding to his assigned place of exile” (Mushakōji Minoru, “Hikaru Genji’s Journey to Suma as Viewed from Legal History,” The Tale of Genji I, Yūseidō). Likewise, regarding his secret affair with Oborozukiyo (now the Naishi-no-kami), “it was enough for the faction of the Minister of the Right, already in control of the government, to raise the accusation that Hikaru Genji was attempting to undermine Emperor Suzaku in order to inauguration of Imperial Throne for the crown prince”. In other words, at the time a charge could be fabricated and punishment imposed without substantial evidence.
We should be careful with the modern expression “Fugi-Mittu(adulterous liaison).” “In antiquity, there was no concept of ‘adultery’ as such. The practice of treating adultery as an offense, punishable by the injured husband or by a person possessing territorial jurisdiction, emerged in the medieval period” (Great Encyclopedia of Japanese History, Shōgakukan).
This takes place after the picture contest viewed by the emperor, in which the side supported by Genji—represented by the former Ise Priestess, now an imperial consort—has prevailed. Genji, now the powerful Minister of the Center at the height of his glory, begins to wish to become a Buddhist. The following passage describes his thoughts.
“Whenever one hears or reads of precedents from the past, those who rose to high office while still too young and achieved exceptional advancement were unable to retain their position for long. Under the present reign—that of Emperor Reizei—my rank and the emperor’s favor have become greater than I deserve. In compensation for the suffering of my fall from power and my decline at Suma and Akashi, I have been allowed to live until today; yet if I continue to enjoy still greater prosperity, I fear that my life may indeed be cut short. I should quietly withdraw to a temple, perform devotions for peace in the world to come, and at the same time prolong my life.” (The Picture Contest chapter)
Genji’s reflection expresses the idea of waxing and waning: once the moon is full, it must inevitably diminish. His evacuation to Suma and Akashi was therefore not the consequence of meeting Oborozukiyo in secret, but of having risen to the post of Captain of the Palace Guards while still young and having been flattered and indulged by society. Although Genji feels sorry that rumors of their affair have damaged Oborozukiyo, he feels no guilt and intends to continue the relationship indefinitely. This is difficult for people in modern society to understand. We must therefore consider the nature of love at the time.
First, it was a polygynous society.
Emperor Suzaku, the supreme ruler, had many consorts bearing titles such as nyōgo and kōi. Oborozukiyo was only one among them. Genji likewise had many lovers throughout Kyoto, beginning with Murasaki-no-ue, when his principal wife, Aoi, already died. The women with whom he formed relationships were innumerable. The same was true of court nobles, courtiers with access to the palace, and other aristocrats: besides their principal wives, they had many lovers. The Minister of the Left (in the Tale), whose daughter, Aoi had married Genji, is described as having “many children by different mothers.” Tō no Chūjō and Aoi shared the same mother, Princess Ōmiya, a sister of Emperor Kiritsubo, while their other siblings had different mothers. Thus, even among the children of the same Minister of the Left, only Tō no Chūjō advanced prominently. It was a society in which men were expected to have many lovers. Not a few courtiers even visited in secret, night after night, the rooms of ladies-in-waiting serving at court.
Second, marriage at the time normally took the form of a visiting marriage. Before beginning their visits, men relied on rumors and reputations concerning the women of a household, or caught a glimpse of them and observed the state of the residence. For a man to form a new relationship with a woman of the house, he needed the support of her parents and the ladies-in-waiting close to her. A man judged suitable by the household would be admitted with the assistance of those attendants. If the man ceased visiting, however, the marriage was effectively dissolved. Visiting marriage was therefore an extremely unstable system. Conflicts and entanglements could also arise when several men were involved with the same woman. The social system of Polygynous and visiting marriage would make a woman having some lovers.
Yūgao, who later met Genji in secret, had previously been visited by Tō no Chūjō for three years and had borne him a daughter, Tamakazura. Threatened by Tō no Chūjō’s principal wife, the fourth daughter of the Minister of the Right, she fled to the Fifth Avenue district and lived there in hiding, where she encountered Genji.
Third, it was a rigidly hierarchical society.
People generally married around their social rank. Kokiden-no-Nyōgo intended her younger sister Oborozukiyo to marry her son, the crown prince who later became Emperor Suzaku, because she sought a match equal to or higher than the standing of the Minister of the Right’s family. The crown prince and Oborozukiyo were aunt and nephew; in modern terms, theirs would be considered a consanguineous marriage. In a hierarchical society, the higher one’s status, the narrower the available circle of marriage partners.
Oborozukiyo’s engagement to the crown prince was broken off because of her relationship with Genji. Even so, Kokiden-no-Nyōgo remained determined to bring her sister into court service. Oborozukiyo entered the palace as Mikushigedono and later became Naishi-no-kami. Because the Naishi-no-kami assisted the emperor in administrative matters and remained constantly near him, the position could also bring emotional and physical intimacy with the sovereign.
In his youth, while pursuing an ideal love, Genji also began seeking women of the “middle rank,” those of comparatively lower standing. One such woman was Yūgao, yet her social position lies beyond modern intuition. Even the “middle rank” stood far above ordinary people of the time and consisted of extremely wealthy aristocrats of high status. Yūgao’s father had died, but he had held the office of lieutenant general of the third rank. Had he remained alive, Yūgao might have attained a position as an imperial consort or a status comparable to that of the Lady of Akashi.
When Genji discovered Yūgao’s house, there were many attendants with beautifull foreheads. Supporting not only Yūgao herself but also numerous ladies-in-waiting, male servants, and maidservants, while managing and maintaining the residence, would have required expenses that were insignificant to Genji but, converted into modern annual income, would amount to roughly ¥20–30 million.
With these social conditions surrounding love in mind, let us look once more at Oborozukiyo.
She is the sixth daughter of the Minister of the Right and the younger sister of Kokiden-no-Nyōgo. At Kokiden-no-Nyōgo’s direction, she enters service in the imperial palace. Rising from Mikushigedono to Naishi-no-kami (head lady-in-waiting), she is more beautiful and alluring than anyone else, and Emperor Suzaku favors the lady who serves so near him. She conducts herself with the dignity of a highborn woman and possesses an admirable character, standing out brilliantly even among the many consorts of the rear palace. Around the time Genji first shared a marriage bed with Wakamurasaki, his visits to Oborozukiyo stopped temporarily; afterward, however, their relationship resumed and continued unchanged. The bond between the brothers Emperor Suzaku and Genji was by no means poor. Although Suzaku was aware of their secret meetings, he did not blame Genji. Mindful of their father Emperor Kiritsubo’s dying command that he rely on Genji as his guardian, he overlooked the affair, thinking as follows.
“Well, if this were something that had only just begun, it might be another matter; but they are a pair for whom such mutual affection does not seem ill-suited.” (The Sakaki chapter)
In my previous essay, I argued that Oborozukiyo plays an important role in elevating the protagonist, Hikaru Genji. I would add that, despite the danger involved, she enacts the passionate romance most fitting for him. Ideal and passionate love tends to carry danger with it. Oborozukiyo is indispensable to a love story rich in thrill, romance, and suspense. What sustains the love between Genji and Oborozukiyo is power.
Not only the love between Genji and Oborozukiyo, but aristocratic love in general was supported by power. Power sustains love, and power destroys love. This is also visible in the carriage dispute in the Aoi chapter. Lady Rokujō’s profound grief ultimately arises from her lack of power. Her relationship with Genji has already cooled; traveling incognito to view the festival in an ajiro carriage, the type ordinarily used by aristocrats, she encounters the splendid procession of Aoi no Ue, backed by great political influence. Drunk and sheltering under the authority of the Minister of the Left, the young men of Aoi’s party violently break the step of Rokujō’s carriage and push it toward the area where the vehicles of other attendants are parked. In such a situation, the less powerful victim has no recourse but to suffer in silence.
The celebration held on the fiftieth day after the birth of Prince Atsuhira, a grandson of Michinaga Fujiwara (966–1027), is also depicted in the Illustrated Diary of Murasaki Shikibu. I have prepared two photographs here, each showing one half of the same painting. Court nobles and palace courtiers have left their own seats and gathered in the side room occupied by Empress Shōshi’s ladies-in-waiting. Men are invariably drawn toward women. Although they cannot be seen, Michinaga, the host of the banquet, and Empress Shōshi are also nearby. Power is visible in this painting as well.
The Illustrated Diary of Murasaki Shikibu (Inai family collection)
In the upper left of the painting, Akimitsu Fujiwara (944–1021), the Minister of the Right, has removed a curtain aside and went uninvited into the space where the ladies-in-waiting are seated, behaving disgracefully under the influence of alcohol. Unaware that the other women watching are nudging one another and muttering, “At his age!”, he takes away one woman’s fan and makes unbearable words at her. The fan was used by court ladies to conceal their faces from men. The woman whose fan he has taken grimaces in displeasure. Akimitsu was sixty-five years old at the time.
Akimitsu possessed the second-greatest political influence after Michinaga, but he was said to be incompetent and often disgraced himself at banquets. This was convenient for Michinaga, his political rival. A relationship of competing influence also existed between Michinaga’s daughter Shōshi and Akimitsu’s daughter Genshi. Watching Akimitsu’s disgraceful conduct, Michinaga must have laughed scornfully.
The Illustrated Diary of Murasaki Shikibu (Inai family collection)
About another piece of the picture, the behavior of the man at the lower right is rather unusual: he is counting—one, two—the layers of robes visible at the hem and sleeve openings of a lady-in-waiting. She looks down in embarrassment. The man is Sanesuke Fujiwara (957–1046), Commander of the Right. Emperor Ichijō repeatedly issued edicts urging restraint in luxury, and Sanesuke is checking whether any of Empress Shōshi’s attendants are violating dress regulations. He was a man who did not flatter the powerful, who valued rules and held firmly to principle.
Murasaki Shikibu appears to have observed the men of the court closely. She herself approached men of spirit such as Sanesuke and held him in high regard.
Sanesuke was the author of the diary Shōyūki. For more than sixty years, he recorded the events of the court in detail and maintained a consistently critical stance toward aristocratic society.
Murasaki Shikibu appears to have been favored by Michinaga, the most powerful man of her day. Yet when we consider the hardships suffered by her and her family, it seems possible that she privately harbored an aversion to power itself.
